Daniel Ortega’s Shadow

This is the best known photograph of Nestor Moncada Lau, a man of few public images. Throughout his career, he has presumably participated in terrorist attacks, corruption and crimes.
Photo\Courtesy of La Prensa

Nestor Moncada Lau has a place in Nicaragua’s top circle of power, right next to Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo. Forty years of loyalty have awarded him the position of national security advisor in a military intelligence system made up of former guerilla members and young people who are driven by their fidelity to the leader and their party.

Since the days of the Nicaraguan Revolution, Moncada goes by the moniker of “Chema”. He has accumulated much more power than what has been officially acknowledged in the country and abroad. For all intents and purposes he is a ghost. His name is not in the logs of public appearances and his public presence is almost non-existent. Despite having been involved in several high-impact public events in his country, not much is known about him, there are no profiles on him, and public photos of him are scant. This profile, carried out by the Latin American journalism platform CONNECTAS, in the framework of the special feature #NicaraguaNoCalla, is one of the few journalistic pieces meant to shed a light on this shady character.

Nevertheless, in the last two years, his name has been mentioned as key participant in events of severe human rights violations in Nicaragua, which escalated in April 2018. Consequently, his mane is on sanctions lists of the United States, European Union, Canada, Switzerland and the United Kingdom.

Following sanctions to Nestor Moncada by the US, these photos of him and his family were posted on social media.
Photo\Social media

“Moncada disbursed payments to counteract demonstrators on behalf of Ortega and Murillo, and with his various intelligence functions, he worked to bribe and blackmail people to get their support or avoid their opposition to Ortega’s government. He has also been engaged in corruption to benefit Ortega and Murillo. In at least one case, he worked with the President to cover up Ortega’s sexual misconduct with a minor”, declaims a press release by the Department of the Treasury when the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) explained the reasons to sanction him in November 2018, along with Rosario Murillo, Vice President and Ortega’s wife.

In the resolution of sanctions against Ortega's advisor, written by the State Department, the intelligence tasks in which he participates are indicated. Read resolution
Photo\US Department of State

Notoriously, in reaction to this sanction, a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Venezuela supporting their political ally, revealed that Moncada Lau had a previously unknown position, the official statement referred to him as Ortega’s “private secretary”.

Although international sanctions are not the result of a trial, these decisions are reliant on countries’ qualified and privileged sources. The fact that several countries coincide in the case of Nestor Moncada Lau weakens the argument countered by the government of Nicaragua, which refers to the measures as a “historical continuity of the North American imperial potency’s meddling and interventionist policies against Nicaragua”.

According to opposers, such as former National Assembly deputy Eliseo Nunez, Moncada Lau is “controlling the day-to-day of repression” which, as per the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH), resulted in the death of 328 people in the events of 2018. In that assignment, Moncada responded directly to the presidential family and dealt with the tasks entrusted by them. Nowadays, Nicaragua deals with reports of harassment by police patrols in opposition leader homes, at least 100 political prisoners are in jail as per civil society organizations, and mothers of murdered victims claim for justice.

Moncada Lau’s family circle is also part of the complex photography of this mighty and enigmatic character. It is known that his brother Oscar is the Customs director in Managua, and one of his sons, Ernesto David, is the inspector general of the Migrations and Foreign Directorate. Yet, there are detractors in his family circle. Alvaro Moncada, one of his brothers, is a hostile opponent who has labeled him as a “hitman” on social media.

The mighty secretary of Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo, Nestor Moncada Lau, featured in one of the few images of his trajectory, which is connected with violent acts.
Photo\Courtesy of La Prensa

This conflict became public after Alvaro held the President and his brother advisor accountable for anything that could happen to him, after him and his family were attacked by strangers en route to the city of Masaya, during the 2018 crisis. According to the claimant, they were attacked to “create chaos and accuse the civically-protesting people of Nicaragua”.

Alvaro Moncada, who did not go on the record for this story, posted on Facebook in May 20th, 2018: “My son Oscar has twenty stitches in his head; my son Alvaro has a broken arm and spine, he needs surgery, for security reasons, I will not mention the date or place of his surgery; I am nearly unable to walk as a result of a brutal aggression, and suffer from constant dizziness caused by blunt impacts to my head (with sticks, rocks, bottles, mortar launchers, weapons, handmade guns, etc...); my wife had a nervous breakdown and is being treated”.

Trained in Cuba

Since childhood and through his father’s work, Nestor Moncada became familiar with the bureaucratization and power of arms in the regime of the Somoza family. The advisor is the son of Oscar Moncada Arauz, an administrative official of the National Guard, who married Elsa Lau. They had eight children, he is the eldest.

He was raised in the popular neighborhood of Altragracia in Managua, where neighbors consulted for this story fail to remember him, he was an outsider who nobody approached, not even to ask him a favor.

When did he accumulate such power? How did he meet Ortega and Murillo? Those who are close to him cannot pinpoint the exact moment in which it all began, how did they engage in a relationship of loyalty, steered by his personal interests and the presidential family’s?

According to sources from the government’s party, advisor to President Daniel Ortega, Nestor Moncada Lau, runs the Police behind the scenes, they add that “Chema” is feared in every level.
Photo\Social media

He was not a prominent supporter of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. A former official of the extinct Ministry of Interior describes his role as modest. “He was a base militant without notoriety before ‘79 (the year in which Somoza fell). In the 80’s, he was known for the case of Jorge Salazar, after a period of absence, he left the State Security”, asserted this man, who agreed to make an anonymous statement to avoid repercussions.

Salazar was a renowned businessman, he was the vice president of the country’s main business association, Cosep (Consejo Superior de la Empresa Privada). He was murdered in confusing events at a gas station’s parking lot in the coffee-growing municipality of El Crucero, south of Managua. On that day, the businessman met Moncada Lau. A patrol of State Security agents unexpectedly arrived at the place, opened fire to prevent an alleged case of gunrunning. Salazar was the only fatal victim.

Two days after the crime, the telegram “Managua 05558” (classified as “Confidential”) was sent to the State Department by Lawrence Pezullo, the US Ambassador to Nicaragua, as reported by the newspaper La Prensa. The telegram connected Moncada Lau to the crime and called him an “undercover agent”, adding that he was the third in the State Security ranking; this was one of the most criticized structures in the 80’s based on reported human rights violations. It used to be attached to the Ministry of Interior, directed by former commander Tomas Borge.

Prominent lawyers such as Vilma Nuñez de Escorcia, president of Cenidh (Centro Nicaragüense de Derechos Humanos), have referred to this case, regretting justice’s debt with the victims of human rights violations throughout the nation’s history, as per their publications. Salazar’s crime had great impact back then, and it became a turning point for the relationship between businesspeople and the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), Ortega’s party. Soon after, the National Businessman Day was created in Salazar’s memory.

Moncada Lau’s connection with the process and subsequent denunciation by Salazar’s family did not result in legal sanctions. Following this affair, he was sent to Cuba, where he trained in “intelligence and counterintelligence” for two years. Upon his return to Nicaragua, he was assigned to the Sandinista Police. The advisor was appointed second chief at Direccion de Investigaciones Economicas, which investigated cases of corruption and counterfeit money. He reached the position of sub-commander. In 1992, Police leadership made him retire after years in which it is hard to specify which police training and courses he was part of.

Concerning his profile as intelligence agent, a high-ranked military anonymously states that he has a “sinister mentality” and that he knows how to activate the State’s repression, intimidation an extortion mechanisms.

Other consulted sources refrained from speaking about him. His name is uttered in whispers. To undertake this journalistic profile, CONNECTAS requested 23 interviews to politicians, human rights activists, retired members of the military, former and current government officials and academics in Nicaragua, but none were able to give us an opinion about the mighty official. Even those who had high-ranked positions in the Sandinista National Liberation Front, such as ex-magistrate Rafael Solis, best man at the presidential couple’s wedding, preferred to stay silent.

In this letter, Elvia Junieth Flores Castillo depicts Nestor Moncada Lau as part of Daniel Ortega’s closest circle. The image shows the case file seal by the Secretary’s Office of FSLN. Read letter
File: Diario Las Americas

Esta es la carta de Elvia Junieth Flores Castillo, quien retrata a Néstor Moncada Lau como parte del círculo más cercano a Daniel Ortega. En la imagen, puede verse el recibido de la Secretaría del FSLN. Read letter
File: Diario Las Americas

Likewise, pro-government deputies avoid any type of reference. For instance, Filiberto Rodriguez excused himself from making statements about the adviser to CONNECTAS, claiming that he was ill and had a sore throat, while he was walking in the halls of the hemicycle. Edwin Castro, leader of the pro-government party, said he never gave interviews via telephone but it was impossible to schedule an appointment with him.

Eduardo Gamarra, professor of Political Sciences at Florida International University (FIU), who follows-up on Latin American politics, stated for this profile that this type of characters (adding other examples in Latin America, such as Vladimiro Montesinos in Peru) are regarded as necessary evils in totalitarian regimes because “they are not just thugs, on the contrary, they are intelligent, experienced and possess political operational capacity”.

Sex, Blood and Loyalty

Moncada Lau’s track record is a re-evaluation of the rather unknown story of how the current President secured his power. His loyalty towards Ortega has been ongoing, and it has overcome tough moments, such as the day when Ortega conceded his electoral defeat back in 1990, although he promised to rule “from the bottom”. The years of democratic transition that followed the civil war of the 80’s where characterized by the Sandinista National Liberation Front paralyzing the country with indefinite strikes and protests in pursuit of political gain. In those agitated years, Moncada Lau stood by Ortega’s side.

The shadows trailing Moncada Lau are numerous. In 1995, there were a dozen attacks with explosives on catholic churches, back then, hypotheses by local media arose suspicions about his involvement. Two years later, as reported by La Prensa, Moncada Lau was captured “in the southern side of the old national baseball park with two TNT sticks hidden under his vehicle’s seats”. The place was near the campaign headquarters of Arnoldo Aleman, who would take office one day after the incident. Moncada Lau was thus sentenced to eighteen months in prison in a trial ridden by concerns among the audience, as informed by specialized media.

Moncada Lau’s name also came up in connection with another crime, his association with the facts is still unclear. In 2004, journalist Carlos Guadamuz (a fierce critic of Ortega) was shot to death in front of his son in the parking lot of a TV station in Managua’s Colonia Centroamerica. Guadamuz was an old acquaintance of Ortega, they had met decades ago when they were both imprisoned by Somoza’s forces. Local newspapers revealed that the Commission of Human Rights of the National Assembly had received a letter by a family member of Moncada Lau, declaring that the advisor knew the journalist’s assassin, William Hurtado, another former agent of the State Security. The circumstances in which both characters met and his connection with the crime are still unknown because the letter was never made public.

Seventeen years later, details remain hidden from the public. Former deputy Maria Auxiliadora Aleman, the recipient of the letter, failed to reply to our request for an interview. Currently, she is a magistrate of appeals in a legal system controlled by the ruling Sandinista National Liberation Front, of which Ortega is the highest authority.

Perhaps the greatest example of loyalty by Moncada Lau to Ortega pertains reports stating that he helped cover up a case of sexual abuse of a minor by the President in 2005.

The President’s advisor is at the top level of decision-making in the government’s party, he is only lower than the President’s partner, he acts as intermediary and duly fulfills his commands. He exerts influence in different institutions of the State.

*)The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) documented the use of excessive force against protesters, over 328 were murdered and more than 2,000 were wounded in 2018.

Source: Department of the Treasury

As the newspaper Las Americas reported, Elvia Junieth Flores was 15 years old in 2015 when Ortega approached her at an event in the electoral campaign, she and her sister were members of the Juventud Sandinista. He sent for her, asked for her number and met with the victim’s family (which included well-known Sandinista militants hailing from the north of the country), whom he invited to the Secretary’s Office of the Sandinista National Liberation Front. For three years, her relatives kept cordial relationships with the leader, and as reported by the family, a child was born from the relationship between Flores and Ortega. To avoid a scandal, Moncada Lau legally acknowledged the child.

Details of the investigation reports included a letter of the Civil Registry in Managua and several deposits of large amounts of money made by another of Ortega’s assistants, Marcos Martinez Mejia, to Santos Sebastian Flores, Elvia’s brother.

“As the woman of the only man I love, I am deeply hurt by some personal verbal and telephone messages I have received from your private assistants, comrades Nestor Moncada and Marcos Martinez”, Flores wrote in a letter sent to Ortega on January 12th, 2010.

For having reported against Ortega in the United States, upon his return to Nicaragua, Santos Sebastian Flores was imprisoned in a cell for very dangerous criminals and charged with raping a worker of the legal branch. The hunt to which the victim’s family was subject, forced six of the brothers to seek exile in the US. The report concluded in a retraction, after she received a message saying that the method used was “not the right one”, as per consulted sources. More than two years have gone by and he is still held in custody. CONNECTAS reached out to her for this report on Moncada Lau, but she did not reply.

In April 2016, Vilma Nuñez de Escorcia, president of Cenidh, presented Flores’ case in an CIDH audience. The case is being reviewed. “In Nicaragua, nothing can be done due to the country’s impunity levels”, Nuñez admitted through a spokesperson.

But Moncada Lau’s level of participation as key player in the country’s intelligence would be exposed several years later. Back in 2011, Moncada Lau was assigned to investigate an illegal fund collection. The report involved his former boss in State Security, former colonel Lenin Cerna, very close to Ortega and Murillo. The report resulted in a rupture and led to the military’s retirement of the Sandinista National Liberation Front, and Moncada Lau sealed his privileged position, empowered and under the shadow of the Presidential family; he even took part in businesses such as Difuso, a content production company (associated to a President’s son) which was a contractor of the State, and in which he owns 40% of the shares, as per tax reports.

Two years later, in 2013, a new episode demonstrated how his power had become more personal and discretional. That year, Italian Mateo Cardella Costa was deported from the country one day after having accused the presidential advisor of obstructing his claim for the inheritance left by his father, Francesco Cardella, a former ambassador who was a friend of the Sandinista leader up to his death. In a statement to the newspaper La Prensa, Cardella Costa asked for a fair process for his claim. It never happened.

Vicinity of the Daniel Ortega’s presidential residence, surrounded by barricades and police officers.
Photo\Courtesy of La Prensa

Vicinity of the Daniel Ortega’s presidential residence, surrounded by barricades and police officers.
Foto\Cortesía La Prensa

While in the sector of kilometer seven, south of Managua, he became aware of the extent of the advisor’s power when he was captured by the police. They immediately took him to the Costa Rican border. He was deported. The penniless Italian, who could not communicate with anyone, became a perfect picture of the type of justice exerted from the shadows by Moncada Lau. For this report, unsuccessful efforts were made to contact Cardella.

With the purpose to overcome the labyrinth of Nicaraguan secrecy, facts exposed by Moncada Lau were contrasted in several ways. The foreign press has identified Idania Castillo (current director of the National Film Library and ex-wife of one of Ortega’s sons) as the communication channel with the President’s Office. A questionnaire was sent to her. It was never answered.

At local level, the advisors’ office was contacted and forwarded the same questionnaire with the aim of scheduling an interview. The closest we got was 300 meters from the office, after a long wait, an unidentified commissioner received the documents with contempt. He refused to acknowledge receipt of the request. “Rest assured that we will not deliver it”, he said. He smiled, crossed the street and placed himself in a control post.

That is how life goes by in the exclusive sector of El Carmen in Managua, rocks block the streets as barricades, there are continuous control posts, police officers coming and going in motorcycles, as well as strict controls that are a constant source of complaints for neighbors. Amidst this military paraphernalia, and almost door-to-door with the Secretary’s Office of the Sandinista National Liberation Front (operating as the seat of government) is the residence of the Ortega family, and, of course, -under the shadows- the command post of Nestor Moncada Lau, the President’s enigmatic private secretary.